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Siapa yang akan menghancurkan ISRAEL?

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Siapa kekuatan yang mampu menghancurkan Israel? Rasulullah SAW menjelaskan: “Akan muncul dari Khurasan  bendera-bendera hitam, maka tidak ada seorang pun yang mampu mencegahnya, sehingga bendera-bendera itu dipacakkan di Eliya (al-Quds)“. (HR. Ahmad, Tirmidzi dan Nu’aim bin Hammad). Kehancuran Israel berarti kiamat telah dekat, sehingga banyak orang mempertahankan kekuatan Negara Israel tersebut, namun janji Allah dan Rasul-Nya pasti akan terlaksana.
Dimanakah Negara Khurasan itu?
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Khurasan adalah satu kawasan/wilayah yang sudah tidak wujud lagi dalam peta dunia. Wilayah Khurasan yang dimaksudkan di dalam hadis itu meliputi kawasan Kabul, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, sebahagian kecil Iran, sebahagian kecil Pakistan, memanjang ke Barat China meliputi wilayah Xinjiang sampai ke Yunnan. Wallahualam.
Jika dari Afghanistan, tak lain tak bukan pasukan bendera hitam ialah Taliban yang dinaungi Al-Qaeda.
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Bendera Al-Qaeda dari wikipedia:
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Bendera yang digunakan oleh pejuang Taliban.
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Wallahualam tapi antara negara lain yang lantang menentang Israel yang termasuk negara Khurasan ialah Iran. Siapa tak kenal Perdana Menterinya yang serba zuhud Mahmoud-Ahmadinejad.
Aku kongsikan gambar yang diterima melalui email, gambar betapa hebatnya sambutan Majlis Tadarus yang di Iran. Aku yakin mereka yang hadir ke majlis mulia ini adalah ikhlas kerana Allah bukan kerana politik dan wang.
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Tidak akan terjadi kiamat sehingga kaum muslimin memerangi bangsa Yahudi, sampai-sampai orang Yahudi berlindung di balik batu dan pohon, lalu batu dan pohon tadi akan berbicara; Wahai orang Islam, hai hamba Allah! di belakangku ada orang-orang Yahudi, kemarilah, bunuhlah dia, kecuali pohon Ghorqod, sebab ia itu sungguh pohonnya Yahudi”. (HR. Ahmad)
Benarkah mereka adalah calon Ashhabu Rayati Suud yang dijanjikan? Tidak hairanlah Yahudi dan Barat seboleh-boleh hendak menghapuskan Taliban, Al Qaeda dan sedang melancarkan kempen anti nuklear di Iran. Wallahualam.

Sumber Love Love Islam
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MASSACRE IN MALAYA

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THE soldiers came to the village at five in the evening. It was a small place, housing workers on a rubber plantation. The soldiers rounded up the inhabitants, questioned them about Communist bandits and Communist sympathies. At six o'clock, they shot the first of them: a man named Loo Kwei Nam. The interrogations of the others continued until late into the night.

At seven o'clock, they separated the women and children. They locked them into one of the houses, a communal dormitory. It was to be the last time those women were to see their menfolk  alive.

Next morning, the women were taken away on a lorry. As they drove away, they saw, down by the river, the soldiers shooting the 24 men of the village - shooting them in the back. Then the village was burned.

It is a nasty, horrible story. It gets worse. Two days later, the women dared to return. Smoke was still rising from the ruins of their homes. The bodies of their husbands, brothers, fiances were still down by the river.

They found their loved ones had not only been shot in the back. After death, they had been mutilated. Their heads had been cut off, their genitals smashed


.
That was the women's story. Only one man survived from the group of prisoners. His name is Chong Hong. He was lined up with the others to be shot.

He says: 'The soldiers gestured us to turn our backs. We were all standing still, too frightened to move. Then the shooting began and I fell to the ground. I think I fainted from fright.' When he recovered, the soldiers had gone and he ran away. A local police constable told a similar story - of being told not to look if he did not want to see men being shot, of a terrific burst of gunfire, and of dead bodies everywhere.

This was a massacre, carried out in cold blood. A massacre, furthermore, of innocent, unarmed and unprovoking civilians. Is it a story from Vietnam, of Americans out of control? Not so.

It occurred in Malaya, 20 years before that, on December 11 and 12, 1948.

And it was carried out, not by Americans, but by British troops - between ten and 14 members of the Scots Guards . As the regiment now prepares to be deployed to Iraq, it could do without these renewed allegations about its past conduct.

The allegations of massacre at the village of Batang Kali have never quite been proven. But they have never gone away either. Back in 1970, a British Labour government announced an inquiry into the events that took place there 22 years previously. Then a Conservative government came in and the inquiry was cancelled.

The allegation has remained, a terrible stain on the reputation of the Scots Guards. And for all that past and present officers of the regiment have furiously denied the allegations, there were eyewitnesses whose evidence is hard to refute. Three of those witnesses, old and infirmnow, are still alive and still tell the same story. And the allegations have just resurfaced, from a strange source, but causing reverberations at the very highest level.

The Prime Minister of Malaysia said last week in the Malaysian parliament that there was no evidence to prosecute anyone for killings at Batang Kali.

HIS statement is designed to damp down debate, but it does not exonerate. It says only the obvious - that after 56 years, there is no possibility of a successful prosecution against any of the individuals involved.

Did Scottish soldiers really carry out a deliberate, cold atrocity against defenceless unarmed villagers in a Malayan rubber plantation? Did they really line them up, in groups, and shoot them in the back? Did they mutilate their bodies? And did officialdom lie and lie and lie about what happened that day?

Malaysia was Britain's Vietnam - a long, protracted guerrilla war against communism in South-East Asia. They called it the Malayan Emergency but it was actually a fully-fledged war. It lasted from 1948 to 1960.

There was one great difference between the two engagements, though. Unlike Vietnam, Malaya was a war that was won. It took time - 12 long years - and it took effort, a hard learning of strategies and of warfare in jungle and leech-infested swamps.

And it took lives - the security forces, the Army and the police lost 1,865 men. Many of those were National Servicemen, young men sent out from Britain with little more knowledge than basic drill and sometimes not even that. That is why they called it the Virgin Soldiers' War.

CIVILIAN casualties were even greater. Four thousand Malays were killed or wounded by the Communist army, some for no greater crime than possessing a government- issue identity card.

There was torture as well. Any Malay who took even a minor government or civil service job was at risk. Eleven Chinese photographers were murdered simply for taking pictures for ID cards. One was pegged out in the sun to die of thirst, with dry rice stuffed in his mouth to increase his torment.

In 1952, the worst year for police casualties, 350 policemen of all ranks and races lost their lives in action.

But in the end the Communist army was comprehensively defeated, and withdrew. The Communists later reported that, on their side, more than 6,000 died, 3,000 surrendered and 1,286 were captured.

Independence for Malaya came under a democratic, not a Communist, system - and today Malaysia is one of the wealthiest, and one of the most aggressively capitalist, societies in the region.

Ghosts haunt the U.S. experience in Vietnam. My Lai is a name that still shames America: a village where soldiers went in deliberately to slaughter, and without discrimination. The Scots Guards, too, have their ghost: Batang Kali. And it has raised its head again to haunt them.
Chin Peng

The source of its latest surfacing is another aged veteran of the Malayan campaign, but of a rather different type. Ching Peng is the man who led the Malayan Communist army, the so-called CTs or Communist Terrorists, all those years ago. He had been taught jungle warfare Some of the information in this article may not be verified by . It should be checked for inaccuracies and modified to cite reliable sources.

Jungle warfare
 by the British during World War II. With British arms and a British officer, as a 20-year-old he had led his guerrilla bands against the occupying Japanese - to such good effect that at the end of the war Lord Mountbatten awarded him the OBE. After that, though, he turned against the British.

Peng was a man who undoubtedly ordered killings and tortures. It was the cold-blooded murder, on his instructions, of three rubber planters in June 1948 that set the whole armed conflict into motion.

At one time, despite his OBE, he was the most wanted man in the British Empire. At the end of the Emergency, he disappeared into the jungle. Chin Peng is still alive. He is 82 now. For much of the past decade he has been living quietly in Bangkok, writing his memoirs. The book came out earlier this year and has been a best-seller in Asia.

IT IS, he says, neither boast nor apology, but an account of events from the losers' point of view. It uses, as well as his memories, recently-declassified British archives; and in it he repeats the story of Batang Kali, with additions. It was, he says, not done by soldiers out of control but was ordered, in advance, from a very high level.

So we have two incompatible accounts of the events at Batang Kali. Both accept that 26 men died.

The official British account is that they were Communist prisoners intent on escape. Others, though, deny this. According to their version, the dead were innocent Chinese rubber-tappers, unarmed, who found themselves in the wrong place, at the wrong end of soldiers' anger that they had done nothing to provoke.

Chin Peng in his book says that not one of the villagers was a Communist nor a member of his army.

It did not help that the British Government changed its story.

The first account given by the authorities was that Scots Guardsmen on patrol captured 26 Communist bandits, though without suffering casualties themselves, and that the prisoners next morning tried to escape.

The dead, said the official version, had run onto the soldiers' guns.

That version was rapidly abandoned when it became clear that the dead had been shot from behind. The second British version was that one prisoner was shot on the night of December 11 while attempting to escape. The others attempted a mass breakout next morning and the Scots Guards gave chase. They opened fire when the escapers ignored orders to stop running. It was never disputed that those who were shot were unarmed.

The key witness against this story is Chong Hong, that one survivor from the group of prisoners.

Jonathan Kent  reporting for BBC Radio 4's From Our Own Correspondent, went to Batang Kali this year to seek him out. He found an old man still convinced that what he called 'the spirits' saved his life that day.
 
KENT spoke as well to Chong Hong's wife, also elderly, also frail. She tells a more detailed story. Soldiers came to the plantation, she says, in trucks, and accused the villagers of giving food to the Communists.

Loo Kwei Nam had a receipt for the sale of some fruit. That was why he was singled out first. 'They shot him here,' she says, pointing to the small of her back.

Another old woman found by Kent is the widow of the then estate manager. She saw her husband led out and shot with the others. It was the Malay police constable, who did not come from the village, who spoke of bodies lying everywhere.

Here are two clearly incompatible versions of the same event. Either the prisoners made a run for it, or they were shot in cold blood.

Soldiers who have seen comrades killed, who are perhaps in fear of their lives themselves, who come under fire in the red mist of battle, can do terrible things.

'Suffice to say we were not very merciful - I saw what they did to one or two of our lads,' says one former national serviceman, describing just such a scenario, on a website for veterans of the Malaya campaign.

Peng, though, claims in his book that Batang Kali was more than soldiers going berserk and that there was preplanning at a high level.

He claims that, before the shooting, the sergeant in charge offered his men the opportunity to absent themselves if they did not want to take part in a mass killing.

Peng inists the killing was ordered at a senior level as a deterrent to potential Communist collaborators: 'There can be no other logical explanation for killing so many unarmed civilians in such a calculated, clinical fashion.' There was little about the Malayan Emergency that was pleasant.

Chin Peng's techniques for his guerrillas were hit-and-run Bren gun and grenade attacks on police stations, then melting into the jungle. Peng ordered a reign of terror to intimidate the local populations.

British tactics, too, were not entirely pleasant. Lt Gen Sir Gerald Templar, High Commissioner in Malaya, defended the practice of cutting off the head and the hands of the enemy dead.

Bodies of slain Communists were taken and displayed on tours of local villages. We too wanted to discourage people from joining the opposition.

What really happened that day in Batang Kali is known only to a handful of people, now ageing, in Malaysia, and to a few long-retired former soldiers in Scotland. Those men have lived with their memories. Consciences may be clear, or they may not.

Either way, after long years, the truth is impossible to discover in a way that would satisfy a court of law. It seems the Scots Guards will have to live with a just or an unjust suspicion as the ghost of Batang Kali refuses to go away.



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KENAPA UMNO LENYAPKAN CERITA INI DARI PENGETAHUAN KITA

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Sejarah sebenar perjuangan kemerdekaan tidak diketahui oleh rakyat umum kerana samada ianya telah dilenyapkan atau dipadam dari buku-buku sejarah. Sudah sampai masanya rakyat Malaysia mengetahui sejarah sebenar negara sendiri dan janganlah kita menjadi rakyat Malaysia buta sejarah. Sebahagian pejuang-pejuang telah gugur dan sebahagiannya masih hidup dan bernafas di depan mata kita.

Perjuangan awal menentang penjajahan dan menuntut kemerdekaan secara moden bermula pada tahun 1906 oleh golongan pembaharuan atau reformasi Islam yang mendapat pendidikan di Timur Tengah (antaranya termasuklah Syed Sheikh al-Hadi, Sheikh Tahir Jalaluddin dan Haji Abbas Mohd. Taha). Selepas itu, perjuangan menentang penjajahan British dan Jepun turut digerakkan dan dirancakkan dengan penubuhan Kesatuan Melayu Muda (KMM)
KMM ditubuhkan pada Mei 1937 di Kampung Bahru Kuala Lumpur. Antara pemimpinnya adalah; Ibrahim Haji Yaakob, Mustapha Hussein, Ishak Haji Mohamad (Pak Sako), Ahmad Boestamam dan Burhanuddin Al Helmy. Semasa perang dunia ke-2, (1942 – 1945) Jepun telah menakluk Tanah Melayu pada Disember 1941 dan KMM telah bekerjasama dengan Tentera Anti-Jepun Rakyat Malaya (TAJRM) atau Malayan People Anti Japanese Army (MPAJA). Penjajah dan tentera British lari ke England meninggalkan rakyat tempatan menentang Jepun. Pada 1942 Jepun telah mengharamkan KMM kerana perjuangan kemerdekaan Malaya.

Selepas tamat peperangan dunia pertama dan berundurnya Jepun dari tanah Melayu satu gabungan Melayu Islam telah membentuk Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM)
PKMM Ditubuhkan pada 17 Oktober 1945 di Ipoh Perak. Dan meluluskan slogan MERDEKA serta benderanya ialah MERAH-PUTIH. Semboyan MERDEKA dilantangkan dan berjaya mengembleng seluruh tenaga dari pelbagai aliran agama, nasionalis dan sosialis namun ditentang oleh elit Melayu dan kakitangan atau penjawat jawatan yang pro pemerintah.

Antara yang memimpin PKMM adalah; Dr Burhanuddin Al-Helmy, Ishak Haji Mohamad (Pak Sako), Abdullah CD (Cik Dat Abdullah), Ahmad Boestamam, Musa Ahmad, Khatijah Ali, dan Ustaz Abu Bakar Al Baqir. PKMM telah berkembang pesat dan digabungkan dengan pelbagai pertubuhan yang menjadi tulang belakang dan penggerak di seluruh Malaya, antaranya



1.API (Angkatan Pemuda Insaf). Dibawah pimpinan Ahmad Boestamam. Diharamkan pada 18 Jun 1948 pihak penjajah British dengan persetujuan YDP Umno Dato Onn Jaafar.





2.AWAS (Angkata Wanita Sedar). Diketuai oleh Samsiah Fakeh. Diharamkan pada 18 Jun 1948 pihak penjajah British dengan persetujuan YDP Umno, Onn Jaafar.









3.BTM -Barisan Tani Malaya (BATAS). Ditubuhkan pada 7 Julai 1947 di Kajang. Ketuanya ialah Musa Ahmad. Setiausaha disandang oleh Abas manakala Mokhtar sebagai bendahari dan Kadir menjadi ketua bahagian propaganda. Pimpinan Negeri ialah Mokhtar - Kedah, Selangor - Musa Ahmad, Pahang - Abas,Johar - Kadir dan Negeri Sembila - Ibrahim Baba.








4. Jabatan Kerja Melayu (JKM). Didirikan pada awal tahun 1946. Diketuai oleh Alimin, Setiausaha oleh Abdullah CD dan merangkap ketua bahagian selatan. Bahagian utara oleh Rashid Maidin dan bahagian timur oleh Kamaruzaman Teh.








5.Hizbul Muslimin.Ditubuhkan pada 17 Mac 1948. Tokoh yang terlibat ialah Ustaz Abu Bakar Al Baqir, Ustaz Abdul Rab, Dr Burhanuddin Al Helmy dan Kiayai Masyur Azahari. Pada 18 Jun 1948 pihak penjajah British dengan persetujuan YDP Umno, Onn Jaafar mengharamkan Hizbul Muslimin yang dianggap 'Parti Islam Merah' dan merupakan 'bahaya dari gunung' kepada mereka.








6.GERAM -Gerakan Angkatan Muda. Pimpinan Abd Aziz Ishak dan A Samad Ismail.















7. Kesatuan Buruh Melayu SeMalaya. Ditubuh pada tahun 1946 di bawah pimpinan Abdullah CD. Dipanjangkan
penubuhan ke negeri-negeri pada 1947.









8.Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Union (PMFTU). Gerakan buruh berbagai kaum. Pada 1947, kongres telah memilih Ganapathy sebagai Pesiden, Abdullah CD sebagai Naib Presiden dan Chen Lu sebagai Setiausaha.

8.Kesatuan Opera Melayu.

9.Persatuan Pemandu Teksi.

10.PETA -Pembela Tanah Air. Ditubuhkan apabila KMM diharamkan pada 18 Jun 1948 pihak penjajah British dengan persetujuan YDP Umno, Onn Jaafar.

11.Majlis Agama Tertinggi Se-Malaya (MATA). Pimpinan Ustaz Abu Bakar Al-Baqir.

Pada tahun 1947, sepuluh tahun sebelum merdeka, PKMM memperkuatkan perjuangan menuntut kemerdekaan dengan bergabung dengan beberapa pertubuhan bukan Islam dan bukan Melayu dalam Malaya Democratic Union, membentuk Barisan Bersatu Putera-AMCJA. Barisan Bersatu Putera-AMCJA ditubuh pada 1947 dan menggubal 10 fasal Perlembagaan Rakyat untuk kemerdekaan.

Antara gerakan yang dilakukan oleh Barisan Bersatu Putera-AMCJA yang sangat berjaya dan menggugat kedudukan British adalah mogok seluruh Malaya yang dikenali sebagai HARTAL. HARTAL telah berlangsung pada 16 September, 1947 yang telah mencatatkan sejarah satu mogok umum, di mana pada hari tersebut, satu aktiviti pun tidak dilakukan oleh seluruh rakyat Malaya.


Pada masa yang sama, British telah berpakat dengan Elit Melayu yang menubuhkan Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu (Perkembar – yang kini dikenali sebagai Umno), menggubal satu lagi perlembagaan yang dipanggil Perlembagaan Persekutuan Tanah Melayu.
British tidak menerima desakan Barisan Bersatu Putera AMCJA, telah menolak perlembagaan rakyat dan menggantikan Malayan Union dengan membentuk Persekutuan Tanah Melayu serta melantik Dato’ Onn menerajuinya.

Barisan Bersatu Putera AMCJA dan seluruh anggota gabungannya, diharamkan pada 18 Jun 1948 pihak penjajah British dengan persetujuan Yang Dipertua (YDP) Umno, Dato' Onn Jaafar. British telah mengisytiharkan Darurat pada tahun 1948, dengan alasan menentang gerakan komunis di Malaya dengan menggunakan 'preventive detention' iaitu tahanan tanpa perbicaraan yang kemudian dikuatkuasakan sebagai Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri (ISA), mengambil tindakan menangkap sesiapa sahaja yang menentang.

Antara bukti bahawa Darurat 1948 diisytiharkan adalah semata-mata satu tindakan ’pecah perintah’ British adalah lebih 2,800 orang ahli-ahli gabungan Barisan Bersatu Putera ACMJA ditangkap dibawah ISA, termasuk Ustaz Abu Bakar Al-Baqir pemimpin MATA dan Hizbul Muslimin yang kemudiannya didaftarkan secara rasminya sebagai Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS). Mereka bukan komunis, namun tindakan British itu melumpuhkan perjuangan rakyat dan telah menghidupkan satu parti yang berkuasa sehingga kini iaitu UMNO.


 Wasiat Pejuang

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Life Gets Harder in Malaysia

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Then and Now - Life Gets Harder in Malaysia

Kenny Gan, Malaysia Chronicle

I started working as a young graduate electrical engineer in 1983 in an engineering firm in Kuala Lumpur. My starting salary was RM1200 which was pretty typical in those days. This may not seem much now but mixed rice was less than RM2.00 with Chinese tea and petrol was RM1.00 a litre. After 6 months and an increment under my belt I plonked down for set of wheels; a cute little Toyota Corolla which I paid off in 3 years. Two years later I put down the deposit for a double storey terrace house in a thriving suburb near the capital.
Fast forward to the present and it would be very hard for any graduate to follow my act without substantial help from their parents. No, I wasn’t from the privileged class and I didn’t get a leg-up from my parents, save for the education they gave me. Present day graduates start their working life at RM1800 to RM2000 a month, not a lot of difference from 25 years ago but prices of everything have tripled and quadrupled. A hawker meal now cost RM5 (drinks extra), prices of cars and houses have grossly outpaced income and there are new expenses like toll, hand phones, ASTRO and internet. Our ringgit has depreciated against foreign currencies making consumer goods and overseas travel more expensive. To put it simply, real income has declined.

Today we find that graduates have to ride motorbikes if their parents do not help them buy a car. A car loan has to be stretched to 8 or 9 years just for a basic family car. The middle class is burdened by high car loans which they have little choice due to the stunted public transport. We find couples who are both working graduates lamenting that they cannot find any house within their means. Many of them have to get help from their parents to pay the house deposit. Unfortunately they will have nothing to give a helping hand to their children in future.
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At the lower end of the labour market things are no better. From 1985 to 1995 salaries for factory workers, manual workers, office staff and the like increased by about 50% but they have stagnated for the past 15 years. Today our factories are filled with foreign workers because local workers are unable to survive on wages of RM700 a month which will be wiped out by transport and rental alone. Are they expected to spend all their free time working overtime just to earn enough to eat?
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Employers decry that locals are not interested but our workers are expected to survive on wages which were marginal even 15 years ago even though prices of goods and services have more than doubled since. We should note that if the salaries of the lower level cannot go up neither can the salaries of the upper level so the masses of foreign are also keeping the salaries of professionals depressed.
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Going backwards

There are few countries where life gets harder as the years pass but Malaysia is one of them. In a healthy country it is more usual for the standard of living to improve from generation to generation. In Australia graduates are buying houses earlier then before despite the rise in prices and they holiday overseas before they graduate. Even traditional basket cases like the Philippines stay the same if they do not improve. A declining standard of living is the usual province of failed states like Zimbabwe, Congo and Myanmar.
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Compared to countries like Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan and South Korea which were on the same footing as us in the 1970s, Malaysia’s economic progress has been dismal. Today they have left us far behind despite lacking our advantage of rich natural resources. Singapore is now a first world country with per capita income of 5 times ours, Hong Kong is 4 times and Taiwan and S. Korea about 2.5 times. The value of our ringgit has depreciated from RM2.00 to USD1.00 in the early 1980s to RM3.20 today while their currencies have appreciated substantially.

Malaysia’s economy has indeed been growing at 6%-8% a year for most of the past two decades. But GDP growth figures do not translate into general economic wellbeing as the disparity in income between the haves and the have-nots has moved steadily wider. According to the Gini coefficient which measures the inequality of income distribution, Malaysia has the worst income disparity in Asia. Wealth is being created but they mostly end up in the hands of the politico-business elite while corruption robs the poor and middle class to give to the rich.
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What went wrong with Malaysia?

Authoritarian governments like Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea can still generate economic progress and uplift the standard of living of their citizens so what went wrong with Malaysia? Do they have something we lack or is it due to something we have that burdened us?
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If there is any one reason which is the mother of all reasons for Malaysia’s lacklustre performance it is racial policies which has replaced meritocracy, encouraged rent seeking practices, resulted in economic inefficiency and distortion, pulled down education standards, caused a brain drain and become a vehicle for wastage and massive corruption. They are also responsible for dampening the human spirit required to drive the economy forward.

The role of corruption in regressing living standards cannot be understated. Corruption is basically a re-distribution of wealth from the poor and middle class to the rich. The plunder of public funds eventually means higher direct and indirect taxes like GST and higher charges for public services. Unfair negotiated sweetheart deals between the government and cronies such toll concessionaires, IPPs and water supply are passed to the man in the street to foot the bill by paying higher tariffs.
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Protectionism for an ill-advised car industry has saddled the middle class with paying high prices for shoddily built cars while favoured cronies laugh all the way to the bank. Consumers have to grapple with external inflationary pressure from world commodities and internally generated inflation to feed cronies.
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Where to, Malaysia?

Najib’s NEM (New Economic Model) contain lofty aims to lift Malaysia to a high income country but it does not address the structural problem of efficiency sapping racial policies, endemic corruption low education standard and dependency on foreign workers. Oppression of democratic rights and subjugating the independence of law enforcement institutions like the judiciary, police and MACC also keep investors away. Without the political will to institute real reforms whatever snazzy economic plan rolled out will become an extension of the NEP and fail.

nanem.jpg
As real income continue to decline in the face of stagnated wages and increasing inflation the standard of living will keep going down. What happens next is predictable. If our graduates cannot make a decent living here they will go overseas to look for work. Following their heels will be masses of Malaysians looking for work as maids, waiters and unskilled labourers. We will become a maid and labour exporting country like Philippines and Indonesia.

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As long as BN continues to rule there will be no meaningful reforms to uplift the economy and living standards of the common people. What the country needs is a new government which can discard the racial baggage of the past to drive Malaysia forwards. The alternative is a maid exporting country and by 2020 instead of a high income country.
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